Archive for November 3rd, 2009
Tuesday, November 3rd, 2009
What is left of the Tárcoles River bridge that once connected Turrubares to Orotina on the central Pacific coast stands as a sad reminder of death and destruction. Five people were killed on Oct. 22 when the bus crossing the river fell as the old and stressed bridge gave way.
“Wow, a public official actually quit on her own accord.” These words of amazement are being expressed by many Costa Ricans today in response to the decision by this country’s public works and transport minister to resign after a bridge collapsed and killed five people.
Perhaps Karla González’ resignation shouldn’t come as such a shock. Media and residents have long accused the Public Works and Transport Ministry (MOPT) of inexcusable negligence for its failure to repair infrastructure—a necessary precaution that could save lives. But it was nevertheless stunning to see González’ bold show of responsibility in a region (and a world) where officials often shirk away from admitting failure.
Unfortunately, proof of MOPT’s inefficiency came during a tragedy on October 22. That day a rickety wooden suspension bridge snapped apart while a bus carrying almost 40 passengers was crossing it. The vehicle plunged into the Tárcoles River.
Never mind that the bus—and probably many vehicles before it—was over the bridge’s weight limit, a fact González quickly pointed out on the day of the accident. But González rightly remarked in her impassioned resignation speech that the passengers “had every reason” to wake up that day trusting in the state to protect them. “But this time we did fail.”
Are officials now assuming greater accountability?
Once the initial shock faded, newspaper editorials began to applaud González’ rare show of taking responsibility for her action, or in this case her failure to act.
Other noteworthy officials recently also have bowed out in shame. In March, then-Environment Minister Roberto Dobles quit amid allegations he rewarded family members with a valuable mining concession.
In April, the now former chief of the National Emergency Commission, Daniel Gallardo, stepped down under fire from critics for allegedly mismanaging the commission. That time, it also took human tragedy—the January 8 earthquake that killed as many as 30 people—to unearth what opposition groups said were vital flaws in the government agency’s leadership.
Although it takes courage to assume responsibility and likely end one’s career, skeptics might say stepping down is easy.
Now comes the tough part for whomever fills González’ spot.
The World Economic Forum recently cited shoddy infrastructure as one of the few wrenches in the system that has softened Costa Rica’s competitive edge. In the bridge collapse, roadway officials had heard experts’ warnings years ago and might even have had funds set aside to prevent the bridge’s inevitable collapse. The problem: slow-paced bureaucracy—another notorious wrench in Costa Rica—got in the way.
MOPT has announced a $15 million injection of World Bank loan money for infrastructure improvements, and singled out 10 of Costa Rica’s more than 1,000 bridges for urgent repair. Critics assert that these funds don’t come close to fixing the problem, and the number of wrecked bridges actually surpass 100. Either way, her successor will have to follow through with the $15 million project and show signs of improvement to the country’s bridges and roads.
But the harder task will be to regain the trust of Costa Ricans who have lost faith in the country’s basic infrastructure.
Still, most seem to agree that González could be commended for admitting blame. Other state officials should take note. Stepping down is hard to do.
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Tuesday, November 3rd, 2009
National export agency Procomer reveals slump in exports as a result of unfavourable temperatures during the crop’s development
Costa Rica’s banana overall export volumes for 2009 are expected to fall by as much as 16 per cent compared with last year as a consequence of heavy rains and fluctuating temperatures in key production regions.
The value of the country’s banana exports is reported to have dropped to US$429m (€292m) during the first nine months of this year, which is equivalent to a 15 per cent decrease from the same period of 2008, Costa Rican export agency Procomer told AP.
During the same stage of 2008, the value of bananas shipped to external markets reached US$505.5m (€344.6m).
According to Luis Umaña, vice-president of Costa Rica’s Chamber of Independent Banana Producers, the fall in exports has been provoked by climatological problems, which delivered a blow to banana production during the second semester of last year.
Mr Umaña told the news agency the development of this year’s crop had been affected by heavy rains in the country’s Caribbean zone during the semester, followed by unstable temperatures that resulted in intense cold spells and prolonged drought in many plantations.
He added that in spite of an expected recovery in volumes during the final months of this year, overall volumes were expected to be between 13 per cent and 16 per cent lower than during 2008.
The European Union is the principal market for Costa Rica’s banana shipments, receiving around half of total exports, followed by the US, which receives
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Tuesday, November 3rd, 2009
A representative of the government of Roberto Micheletti acknowledged the failure of talks aimed at resolving the Honduran political crisis, as deposed President Mel Zelaya’s camp had said hours earlier.
“We understand that the proposals – from Micheletti’s delegation – were completely rejected” by representatives of Zelaya, Vilma Morales said in a prepared statement Friday afternoon.
She added that Micheletti’s delegation had demonstrated from the beginning its willingness to resolve the crisis through dialogue and that it continues to have the same will and commitment to seek a negotiated solution.
“We can only express our regret for not satisfactorily concluding the negotiations due to the intransigence of our counterparts,” Morales said, in reference to the end of the current round of talks that began Oct. 7.
Both Morales and another negotiator for the Michelleti government, Arturo Corrales, told reporters that Zelaya’s side was responsible for cutting off the dialogue.
Corrales added that “other spaces will be opened,” without elaborating.
A spokesman for the Micheletti camp, Armando Aguilar had told Efe earlier Friday that his delegation was “preparing a counter-proposal,” but that apparently was rejected by Zelaya’s delegation.
A representative of the Organization of American States who accompanied the talks, meanwhile, expressed optimism that a solution can still be found.
OAS special envoy John Biehl told Efe that his organization will always believe an agreement can be reached to the crisis stemming from the forced departure of Zelaya in June.
He told a press conference that a majority of Hondurans support a plan put forth by Micheletti that calls for both him and Zelaya to renounce their claims to the presidency and for a third party to serve out the rest of Zelaya’s term, which ends in January.
But Zelaya’s delegation has consistently said that such a solution is unacceptable.
“If the coup d’etat can’t be reversed, no democracy in Central America and Latin America can be at ease, because (putschists) will find an ideal, simple path: stage a coup and whitewash it later with an election,” Zelaya representative Mayra Mejia said Friday, alluding to Honduras’ Nov. 29 presidential ballot.
The Zelaya camp, run by the former president himself who is holed up at the Brazilian Embassy in Tegucigalpa, where he emerged after secretly slipping back into the country on Sept. 21, claims it has made numerous concessions to achieve an accord with Micheletti.
They argue that the ousted president agreed to preside over a national-unity government for the balance of his term, which ends in January.
Zelaya also pledged to abandon his push for constitutional reform, an initiative bitterly opposed by the military, the political establishment and the few dozen families who dominate the Honduran economy.
Those points were contained in a plan laid out by Costa Rican President Oscar Arias to resolve the crisis triggered by the June 28 putsch.
In the eyes of Constituional scholars and most Hondurans, Zelaya’s ouster was not a coup. The soldiers who escorted Zelaya from the presidential palace were enforcing a Supreme Court order after Zelaya refused to comply with their earlier order banning his planned referendum on revising the constitution to allow for unlimited presidential terms. The Constitution calls for immediate disempowerment of any official who does so.
Article 239 of the Honduran Constitution says “Any citizen who has already served as head of the Executive Branch cannot be President or Vice-President again. Whoever violates this law or proposes its reform, as well as those who support such violation directly or indirectly, must immediately cease in their functions and will be unable to hold any public office for a period of 10 years.”
The Organization of American States, the United States and the European Union have been pressing Micheletti to accept the San Jose Accord, a proposal put forward by Costa Rican President Oscar Arias.
The plan calls for Zelaya to return and lead a national unity government for the few months left in his term, and for a political amnesty that would protect both sides in the dispute.
Time is running out before presidential elections scheduled for Nov. 29, as both the European Union and Washington have said they will not recognize the winner of that balloting unless Zelaya is restored to office beforehand. Elections have traditionally been the only way that coups and changes of government have been peacefully resolved in Latin American history.
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